{"id":26728,"date":"2025-10-17T18:50:27","date_gmt":"2025-10-17T15:50:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.tkp.org.tr\/?p=26728"},"modified":"2025-10-17T18:52:01","modified_gmt":"2025-10-17T15:52:01","slug":"speech-by-tkp-at-the-international-meeting-of-left-theoretical-publications-in-cuba","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.tkp.org.tr\/en\/agenda\/speech-by-tkp-at-the-international-meeting-of-left-theoretical-publications-in-cuba\/","title":{"rendered":"Speech by TKP at the International Meeting of Left Theoretical Publications in Cuba"},"content":{"rendered":"

Geopolitics and geostrategy are concepts we Marxists have never been particularly fond of. This is because, in the making of a revolutionary strategy, the role played by class dynamics is both exceptional and universal. Geopolitics, on the other hand\u2014as its very name suggests\u2014rests on the geographical reach of states and other power actors. In this framework, classes can only appear as a secondary determinant.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Yet, developments that drive ruling classes into crisis and give rise to revolutionary dynamics\u2014if we are speaking of the imperialist world system\u2014inevitably bear a geopolitical dimension. Indeed, questions such as where and how revolutionary transformations may emerge, along which fault lines they might unfold, and how a revolution can be defended, can only be answered through a perspective that is both detailed and shaped by the factor of time. All this, in a sense, is geostrategy.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

It is impossible to miss this geostrategic dimension in Lenin\u2019s theses written in March and April of 1917\u2014particularly in his warnings about the conditions and lifespan of revolutionary breakthroughs. And how could we possibly forget how the revolutions and national liberation struggles of the 19th and 20th centuries reshaped the map of Europe and the world? If we recall how every one of these advances faced counterrevolutionary forces and invading armies, we must admit that there was quite a lot of \u201cgeopolitics\u201d at play.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Remember the Middle East map that George W. Bush circulated before the invasion of Iraq\u2014or the one Netanyahu now waves before an almost empty hall at the United Nations. Whether we like it or not, it is clear that from now on, we will have to live and breathe maps.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Our enemies know no borders. In every sense of the word, they know no boundaries. Just look at what they have done to the world. From the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the breakup of Yugoslavia to the present day, a striking tendency has revealed itself: imperialism has thrown into the trash the entire 20th-century map\u2014one shaped by revolutions and national liberations.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In both World Wars, and each time thereafter, the imperialist powers sought moments when they could divide the world at will, free from resistance. Today, and in fact for quite some time now, they have turned the absence of a great socialist power to their advantage.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The idea that the borders of countries can be changed is not only being openly voiced\u2014it is being proven in practice. The language of diplomacy is that of war more than ever before. The belief that anything can happen at any moment, that the powerful can do as they please without constraint, has turned the dynamics of the imperialist world into a rule of the jungle more than ever before.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

And yes, all this forces us, too, to live and breathe in rhythm with international developments.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

But it is precisely for these reasons that we must place the class perspective at the very center. In fact, this very world is creating an atmosphere in which the class question is silently growing and preparing to take its revenge.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Look\u2014whenever we have separated the struggle of Palestine from that of the poor against the rich, the oppressed against the imperialist, against the occupier\u2014that is when we began to lose our greatest weapon. Was not Zionism\u2019s greatest fear the loss of world public opinion? What we have witnessed in recent months shows what an occupying power, losing legitimacy even within U.S. public opinion\u2014and among the very sections of society it once relied upon\u2014can resort to. It has become clear that the most crucial force the Palestinian people can count on is our collective ability to win over public opinion in our own countries.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

All this\u2014both in its presence and in its absence\u2014is the revenge of the class question.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Today, the atmosphere of war and permanent emergency that has enveloped Europe\u2014and increasingly, the entire world\u2014cannot be explained solely by international developments and their own logic. Can we really separate Volkswagen\u2019s, or any other large corporation\u2019s move to produce war equipment from the effort to accustom millions to living in shelters, or from the rise of xenophobia, racism, and the far right? Can we truly think of the extraordinary preparations now underway in countries that hardly look like \u201cweak links,\u201d to use our own jargon, as unrelated to the fear of a possible revolutionary upsurge?<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

To think of all these developments\u2014whether planned or spontaneous, yet profoundly class-based\u2014as separate from the actuality of revolution would be a grave mistake. Yes, a concrete revolutionary breakthrough has been absent for quite some time. In this sense, one could even argue that the ruling class has no reason to fear an imminent revolutionary threat. But isn\u2019t that precisely the problem? The true reason this picture has emerged is that the working class and the broad masses have been alienated\u2014psychologically, ideologically, and politically\u2014from the very idea of revolution. It follows, then, that the weakest point in this grim picture will appear when a ruling class long accustomed to indolence is suddenly confronted with a revolutionary offensive.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The prerequisite for that, however, is to view the world through a class lens and from a revolutionary perspective\u2014especially in a period when revolution appears so distant.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

What else can explain the resolve of the Cuban people, who continue to stand firm under a blockade that would break any other nation within a week? No other country has been squeezed by geopolitical and international pressures as much as Cuba. And yet, at the heart of Cuba\u2019s resistance lies their insistence on the socialist revolution\u2014even after temporary retreats in the building of socialism. We must understand well what kind of revolutionary morality this perseverance springs from, and how it has infused revolutionaries across the world with strength.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Undoubtedly, the imperialist system is in a period of transition\u2014one marked by the lawlessness of an imperialist hierarchy headed by the United States. Lawlessness itself has become a show of power. From where we stand, this display of power threatens to drag Turkey back a full century. The government in Turkey is now caught in the grip of a crisis in which several dimensions overlap. This makes our country more vulnerable than ever to the interventions of the U.S. and the U.K. Under these conditions, Turkey has increasingly taken on the role of facilitating the work of Western imperialist powers. Its shrinking space for autonomy has narrowed its options, while its timid statements of \u201cwe have other alternatives\u201d only mask what are, in the end, gestures of collaboration.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

And we must be clear: without a revolutionary development, Turkey will not leave NATO. All this imposes upon the communists struggling within a NATO member country the historic duty to attach particular importance to the fight against U.S. imperialism and NATO.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

This priority also means that not every country can be placed on the same footing. As the Communist Party of Turkey, we follow geopolitical and international developments closely. Yet the struggle against imperialism can only be waged through a strategy in which our class position stands above all else. This is the sole condition for making use of international circumstances. When defining our friends and foes, we must, in the final analysis, act accordingly.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The past few decades have offered the clearest proof of this. The greatest obstacle to imperialist lawlessness and arrogance is the legitimacy of resistance itself\u2014and that legitimacy finds its true meaning when it transforms into a struggle that makes the imperialists feel unsafe even in their own homes.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Yes, the enemy has its media apparatuses, armies, banks, and intelligence agencies. Yet the day will come when it will be evident that none of these can save them.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

On one condition: if we do not forget our duty, and if we do our homework well.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Thank you.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

La geopol\u00edtica y la geoestrategia son conceptos que a nosotros, los marxistas, no nos gustan demasiado. Porque en la conformaci\u00f3n de una estrategia revolucionaria el lugar que ocupan los equilibrios de clase es universal y, en cierto modo, privilegiado. La geopol\u00edtica, en cambio, como su propio nombre indica, se fundamenta en las proyecciones territoriales de los Estados y de los distintos factores de poder. Desde esa perspectiva, las clases s\u00f3lo pueden aparecer como un determinante secundario.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Sin embargo, los acontecimientos que llevan a la clase dominante a la crisis y las din\u00e1micas revolucionarias \u2014si hablamos del sistema mundial imperialista\u2014 llevan inevitablemente un lado geopol\u00edtico. Tanto es as\u00ed que las preguntas sobre en qu\u00e9 momento y de qu\u00e9 manera podr\u00e1n germinar las transformaciones revolucionarias en cada pa\u00eds y en el mundo, qu\u00e9 fracturas pueden darles origen y c\u00f3mo podr\u00e1 defenderse la revoluci\u00f3n s\u00f3lo pueden responderse desde una perspectiva bien detallada y moldeada por el factor tiempo. Todo esto, s\u00ed, constituye en cierto modo una geoestrategia.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

En las tesis redactadas por Lenin en los meses de marzo y abril de 1917, resulta imposible no ver esa geoestrategia en sus advertencias sobre las condiciones de existencia y la duraci\u00f3n del impulso revolucionario. O, \u00bfc\u00f3mo podr\u00edamos olvidar de qu\u00e9 manera las revoluciones y los movimientos de independencia frente al imperialismo en los siglos XIX y XX dieron forma al mapa de Europa y del mundo? Si recordamos c\u00f3mo cada uno de esos avances se enfrent\u00f3 a fuerzas contrarrevolucionarias y ej\u00e9rcitos de ocupaci\u00f3n, tambi\u00e9n tendremos que admitir que hab\u00eda en ello un fuerte componente \u201cgeopol\u00edtico\u201d.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Si recordamos el mapa de Oriente Medio que George W. Bush difundi\u00f3 al mundo antes de la invasi\u00f3n de Irak, o el mapa que Netanyahu se ve obligado a mostrar ya ante una sala vac\u00eda en las sesiones de Naciones Unidas, queda claro que, lo queramos o no, de ahora en adelante estamos condenados a acostarnos y levantarnos con mapas.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Nuestros enemigos no conocen limites. Ni siquiera los limites que constituyen las fronteras. Basta con mirar en qu\u00e9 estado han dejado al mundo. Desde la disoluci\u00f3n de la Uni\u00f3n Sovi\u00e9tica y la fragmentaci\u00f3n de Yugoslavia hasta hoy, se observa una tendencia clar\u00edsima: el imperialismo ha demostrado que arroja a la basura el mapa de todo un siglo XX marcado por revoluciones y luchas de liberaci\u00f3n nacional.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

En las dos grandes guerras mundiales \u2014y cada vez\u2014 mostraron su disposici\u00f3n a repartirse el mundo a su antojo, en momentos en los que nadie pod\u00eda resistirles. Ahora, y en realidad desde hace ya bastante tiempo, aprovechan a su favor el hecho de no tener enfrente una gran potencia socialista como anta\u00f1o.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

La idea de que las fronteras de los pa\u00edses pueden cambiar se proclama abiertamente y se confirma en los hechos. El lenguaje de la diplomacia est\u00e1 m\u00e1s impregnado de guerra que nunca. La noci\u00f3n de que en cualquier momento puede ocurrir cualquier cosa, y de que los m\u00e1s poderosos pueden hacer lo que quieran sin que nada los detenga, ha transformado las din\u00e1micas del mundo imperialista en leyes de la selva como nunca antes.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Y s\u00ed, todo esto nos obliga tambi\u00e9n a acostarnos y levantarnos con los acontecimientos internacionales.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Pero precisamente por estas razones debemos situar una mirada de clase en el centro. De hecho, este tipo de mundo crea una atm\u00f3sfera en la que lo de clase, en primera instancia, crece silenciosamente para luego cobrarse su revancha.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

F\u00edjense: cada vez que hemos pensado la lucha palestina como algo separado de la lucha del pobre contra el rico y del oprimido contra el imperialista y el ocupante, fue entonces cuando empezamos a perder nuestra arma m\u00e1s poderosa. \u00bfNo era acaso la mayor preocupaci\u00f3n del sionismo perder a la opini\u00f3n p\u00fablica mundial? \u00bfNo mostraban lo vivido en los \u00faltimos meses qu\u00e9 puede hacer un ocupante que comienza a perder legitimidad incluso en la opini\u00f3n p\u00fablica estadounidense y entre los sectores de la poblaci\u00f3n en los que m\u00e1s confiaba? \u00bfNo qued\u00f3 claro que la fuerza en la que el pueblo palestino puede confiar sobre todo es que nosotros, uno por uno, conquistemos la opini\u00f3n p\u00fablica en nuestros propios pa\u00edses?<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Todo esto, tanto con su presencia y como con su ausencia, es la venganza de lo que relativo a lo de clase.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\u00bfVamos a atribuir el hecho de que hoy Europa, y cada vez m\u00e1s el mundo entero, entre en una atm\u00f3sfera de guerra y de estado de excepci\u00f3n de la mano de la clase dominante y de sus gobernantes \u00fanicamente a los acontecimientos internacionales y a su propia l\u00f3gica? \u00bfAcaso podemos separar el que Volkswagen u otra gran empresa empiece de ahora en adelante a producir equipos de guerra, de que ya se est\u00e9 intentando acostumbrar a millones de personas a vivir en refugios, del auge de la hostilidad hacia los migrantes, del racismo y del ascenso de la derecha? Y hoy, \u00bfpodemos pensar esas preparaciones excepcionales en pa\u00edses que \u2013dicho en el lenguaje de nuestra propia terminolog\u00eda\u2013 en absoluto parecen un \u201ceslab\u00f3n d\u00e9bil\u201d al margen del miedo a una posible agitaci\u00f3n revolucionaria?<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ser\u00eda un grave error considerar todos estos procesos \u2014puestos en marcha de manera planificada o espont\u00e1nea pero con reflejos profundamente de clase\u2014 como algo separado de la actualidad de la revoluci\u00f3n. Es cierto, desde hace ya bastante tiempo no hay a la vista un estallido revolucionario, un impulso concreto. En ese sentido, incluso podr\u00eda decirse que no existe ninguna amenaza revolucionaria que la clase dominante deba temer. Pero, \u00bfacaso el problema no reside precisamente ah\u00ed? La causa principal de este panorama es que a la clase obrera y a las amplias masas se las ha desalentado de las revoluciones en el plano psicol\u00f3gico, ideol\u00f3gico y, por supuesto, pol\u00edtico. De modo que el punto m\u00e1s d\u00e9bil de este cuadro sombr\u00edo ser\u00e1 el momento en que una clase dominante, acostumbrada desde hace tiempo a la pereza, se encuentre de frente con un impulso revolucionario.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Pero la condici\u00f3n previa para ello pasa por mirar al mundo desde una perspectiva de clase y con una perspectiva revolucionaria. Y s\u00ed, precisamente en un per\u00edodo en el que la revoluci\u00f3n parece tan lejana\u2026<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\u00bfCon qu\u00e9 otra cosa podemos explicar la determinaci\u00f3n del pueblo cubano, que se mantiene en pie con obstinaci\u00f3n bajo un bloqueo al que quiz\u00e1 ning\u00fan otro pa\u00eds en el mundo podr\u00eda resistir ni siquiera una semana? No existe otro pa\u00eds tan asediado por la geopol\u00edtica y los acontecimientos internacionales como Cuba. Y, sin embargo, en la ra\u00edz de su resistencia est\u00e1 la insistencia en la revoluci\u00f3n socialista, a pesar de los pasos atr\u00e1s temporales en la construcci\u00f3n del socialismo. Debemos comprender bien de qu\u00e9 tipo de moral revolucionaria es fruto esa determinaci\u00f3n y esa insistencia, y c\u00f3mo insuflan energ\u00eda a los revolucionarios de todo el mundo.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Sin duda, el sistema imperialista atraviesa una fase de transici\u00f3n, y esta fase est\u00e1 marcada por la falta de reglas de la jerarqu\u00eda imperialista encabezada por Estados Unidos. Esa falta de reglas es una demostraci\u00f3n de fuerza. Desde nuestra perspectiva en Turqu\u00eda, vemos que tal demostraci\u00f3n de fuerza puede significar peligros tan grandes que nos har\u00edan retroceder un siglo. En Turqu\u00eda, el poder pol\u00edtico vive los efectos de una crisis en la que se entrelazan varios frentes. Esta situaci\u00f3n hace que nuestro pa\u00eds sea m\u00e1s vulnerable a las intervenciones, en primer lugar, de Estados Unidos y del Reino Unido. En estas condiciones, Turqu\u00eda asume cada vez m\u00e1s la tarea de facilitar los asuntos de las potencias imperialistas occidentales. El estrechamiento del margen de autonom\u00eda reduce las alternativas en manos de Turqu\u00eda, y todo esto va acompa\u00f1ado de t\u00edmidas declaraciones del tipo \u201ctambi\u00e9n tenemos otras alternativas\u201d. Sin embargo, debe saberse que esos elementos de negociaci\u00f3n terminan convirti\u00e9ndose, en \u00faltima instancia, en colaboraci\u00f3n.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Y debemos saber tambi\u00e9n que sin un desarrollo revolucionario Turqu\u00eda no tiene posibilidad alguna de salir de la OTAN. Todo esto impone a los comunistas de Turqu\u00eda, que luchan en un pa\u00eds miembro de la OTAN, la obligaci\u00f3n de dar una importancia especial a la lucha contra el imperialismo estadounidense y contra la propia OTAN.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Esta prioridad significa, al mismo tiempo, que no todos los pa\u00edses pueden ponerse en el mismo plano. Nosotros, como Partido Comunista de Turqu\u00eda, seguimos de cerca los acontecimientos en el \u00e1mbito geopol\u00edtico e internacional. Sin embargo, la lucha contra el imperialismo s\u00f3lo puede darse con una estrategia en la que nuestra posici\u00f3n de clase est\u00e9 por encima de todo. Esta es la \u00fanica condici\u00f3n para poder aprovechar las circunstancias internacionales. Y tambi\u00e9n, al definir qui\u00e9nes son nuestros amigos y qui\u00e9nes nuestros enemigos, en \u00faltima instancia debemos actuar en funci\u00f3n de ello.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Las \u00faltimas d\u00e9cadas son la prueba m\u00e1s clara de esto. El mayor obst\u00e1culo frente a la falta de reglas y la arrogancia imperialistas es la legitimidad de resistirles, y que esa legitimidad se transforme en una lucha capaz de hacer sentir a los imperialistas que ni siquiera en sus propias casas est\u00e1n a salvo.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ellos cuentan con sus aparatos medi\u00e1ticos, sus ej\u00e9rcitos, sus bancos y sus servicios de inteligencia. Y llegar\u00e1 el d\u00eda en que quede claro que nada de eso podr\u00e1 salvarlos.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Con una sola condici\u00f3n: que no olvidemos nuestro deber y que hagamos bien nuestro trabajo.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Gracias.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Geopolitics and geostrategy are concepts we Marxists have never been particularly fond of. This is because, in the making of a revolutionary strategy, the role played by class dynamics is both exceptional and universal. Geopolitics, on the other hand\u2014as its very name suggests\u2014rests on the geographical reach of states and other power actors. In this […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":25,"featured_media":26729,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[255,262,258],"tags":[1720,1722],"yoast_head":"\nSpeech by TKP at the International Meeting of Left Theoretical Publications in Cuba - T\u00fcrkiye Kom\u00fcnist Partisi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.tkp.org.tr\/en\/agenda\/speech-by-tkp-at-the-international-meeting-of-left-theoretical-publications-in-cuba\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Speech by TKP at the International Meeting of Left Theoretical Publications in Cuba - T\u00fcrkiye Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Geopolitics and geostrategy are concepts we Marxists have never been particularly fond of. 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