January 21, 2007

A. POLITICAL THESES

FIRST PART: DISSOLUTION OF THE STATE

1. The state in Turkey is decomposing. The dissolution of the state means that the capitalism in Turkey can no longer bear the weight of the state device. This dissolution period brought by the distinctive inner and outer dynamics has a temporary character when the present power balances between the classes are taken into account. The capitalist class is seeking for a reconstruction of the state, which is a sovereignty instrument for itself, with a different content. Nevertheless, this search is bound by unplanned and deep crises with the effect of the attacks of the imperialist countries to other nation states. However, if the working class does not transform the dissolution period with its strength, the direction of this process has doubtlessly become clear. That is:
a) The state has begun to respond to demands of capitalist class more directly and more clearly in contrary to the past and has completely lost its claim to arbitrate between classes.
b) Social policies have been abandoned substantially.
c) The intervention area of capital is extended under the name of localization in economic, political and cultural life, and the role and responsibility of central governance is decreased.
d) In addition to the laws that prohibit the possibilities of vindication of workers and their intervening in the political processes, new governing mechanisms are created that exclude the poor completely and bring the ideological and political processes as a subject of commerce.

2. The reason why we mention about dissolution that brings the pursuit for the reconstruction of the state to a level of crisis is that the process is to the great extent controlled by the imperialist countries. Although they occasionally utilize different means, both the USA and the EU intend that Turkey comes out of this transformation process as a weaker, more limited country which can be further shrunk when necessary. When we take into account that the liberal economic policies have significantly extended the freedom area for the movement of the international monopolies, the supporters of the status quo who wish that the Republic of Turkey will embark on an integration process with the West, yet still protecting its old bargaining power at the same time, will be disappointed. Besides, imperialist countries not only stand on the attacks of market but they also make effective attempts to bring Turkey into an appropriate frame for the reconstruction of the Middle East by taking the advantage of the basic social and political problems. It is these attempts that aggravate the crisis and cause dissolution rather than reconstruction of the state. There is no other explanation for the present situation where the existence of the Republic of Turkey has become a matter of discussion within a brief period of time. When the persistent and comprehensive intervention of the USA and the EU is combined with the vulgarity and limitlessness of the market mechanisms, the disintegration and shrinking of Turkey becomes a choice in the imperialist projects rather than being just a "thought".

3. The bourgeoisie has accepted the control of imperialist countries on the integration of Turkey to the global capitalist system with a new content and level is controlled by the and it has also given consent for the corrosion of the traditional governing mechanisms of the Republic of Turkey during the process. This approach by the capitalist class leads to a tension and a blockage in the military/civilian bureaucracy. The role of the bureaucracy that it assumed in the system until now has been an extension -in some instances an organic part- of the capitalist class from the top levels and has now transformed the tension and blockage into a considerable disintegration, and the "common mind" of the state has disappeared to a great extent. Although it is deprived of a collective strategy, the presence of bargaining elements who want a rather controlled transformation in bureaucracy is well known. The friction between those and the accustomed ones do not cause a clear polarization because no alternatives in the system can be mentioned. Besides, the bargaining defenders advocate from time to time more adventurous and collaborative policies concerning the relationship with the imperialist countries, in order to take the initiative. Therefore, the Communist Party of Turkey struggles against impositions of imperialist countries and against the process which the party named as the reconstruction of the state, and it will never try to collaborate or ally with the basic actors of system. The sections which can roughly be defined as liberal and defender of status-quo have no appreciable difference from each other as both of them are defenders of free market as well as being enemy of the people and collaborators of the imperialist countries.

4. The religious-reactionary movement has an important impact on the dissolution of the state. The Kemalist revolution has barely intervened to the reactionary social tissue, and it has provided the optimal superstructure appropriate to the process of transition to capitalism by establishing effective mechanisms that limit the effect of reactionary structure to the political area. However, reaction, which is one of the most influential instrument of the capitalist class against socialist thought and against acquirement of a combatant identity by the working class, found every time an appropriate place in the political area for itself, with the help of the role that Islam played in the strategy of the USA for besieging the Soviet Union. After the military coup on September 12, 1980, the structure of the system that protected the social area from the religious social dynamics to a certain extent disappeared. Urbanization of the religious basis has led to a more religious social and political life, and as the religious ideology renovated itself, its influence grew in the political and ideological world of the urban working class. This situation, which creates a serious obstacle in terms of struggle
of the working class, is also troubling for the system and stems from the fact that the independence of the important institutions of the state from the religious base is under threat. There is an outstanding struggle at judicial institutions, armed forces and universities between the political actors who rely on the reactionary social basis, and the traditional bureaucracy who uses religious reaction when necessary but reluctant to share the power with them. This struggle further widens the intervention area of the imperialist countries. On one side as the religious reaction focused by AKP is conveyed to the regional projects via the project of "moderate Islamism", and on the other side the secular sections of the society are bound with the excuse of "religious threat" to the "struggle against terrorism", consequently by aggression to the peoples of the region.

5. Similarly, the Kurdish question has also played an important role in the dissolution of the state. The state, insisting on its policy of denial of the Kurds, has lost its initiative to a great extent and has become dependent to the plans of the imperialist countries. It is clear that with Ocalan's return to Turkey in 1999 and after with the occupation of Iraq, the US has gained an absolute weight on the Kurdish question, on which the European Union had the initiative a while ago. The establishment of a Kurdish state in Northern Iraq which has been considered as "casus belli" for years has now become an actual reality and more importantly it is presented to Turkey as the solution for the Kurdish question, and these two factors have accelerated the dissolution process of the state. The Iraqi Kurds, though small in population as compared to the Kurds in Turkey, now have a word on the Kurdish question of Turkey as they have gained an important regional power with the support of USA, which will be one of the most important problems in the capitalist sovereignty. All the institutions and political actors of the system including the Turkish Armed Forces, who have always had some doubts on this task, accept to ally with the Kurdish US-collaborator body in Northern Iraq to complete the chain of the US-Israel-Turkey-Kurdistan. However, their acceptance does not include any answer regarding how to meet the serious costs to be caused by the process. The possibility that such a chain may bring new aspects to the Kurdish question in Turkey as well as annihilating the movement area of Turkish foreign policy which is already contracted is highly strong.

6. The dissolution process of the state has emerged complicated tasks concerning the working class as well as creating a series of revolutionary opportunities. The process has not yet evolved into a revolutionary crisis. Anyway, under such a condition, an affirmative evaluation of this process of dissolution can not be a matter of subject. The course leads to a more dependent country, a working class that is more desperate against the capitalist and a state organization whose class identity is more sharpened. Consolidation of the revolutionary alternative can be only a product of an effective struggle by the working class of Turkey against this course of events. In this respect, the working class of Turkey will not have a word on the issues such as unemployment, poverty, privatization, de-syndication unless it opposes localization, decreasing of the role and responsibilities of central power, transfer of the sovereignty to the European Union, increasing religious effect on the social and political area, separating of the Kurd and Turk public from each other and the agenda of disintegration of Turkey in compliance with the imperialist projects. The duty of the Communist Party of Turkey is to prevent imperialism from consolidating its hegemony on this geography and also the capitalist class from gaining power against the working masses. Fulfillment of this duty should be considered as the precondition of a socialist revolutionary breakthrough.

SECOND PART: IMPERIALISM AND STRUGGLE AGAINST IMPERIALISM

7. It is clear that the political, ideological and theoretical works led by Communist Party of Turkey to transform the anticipation that the socialist revolution in Turkey has an anti-imperialist character into a well-studied, revolutionary strategy, have reached a specific level of maturity. Although new problems and tensions brought by the imperialist aggressiveness in Turkey and in other parts of the world and the displeasure and the reaction to this aggressiveness on the different parts of the society cannot be handled ignoring the contradiction between labor and capital, they cannot as well be directly associated with capitalist exploitation. Besides, the idea that the imperialist aggressiveness should be opposed on a national axis rather than on class aspects has no other meaning than circumventing Marxism and the inheritance of the international workers' movements, if it is not debated as a direct attempt of manipulation by the bourgeoisie to disarm the laboring masses. The starting point of the advocates of this idea and of the people who reject the patriotic duties emerged by the struggle against imperialism just because of that struggle might spoil the "anti-capitalist" position is virtually the same: Isolating anti-imperialism and anti-capitalism from each other. Yet today not only in Turkey but also in other countries of the world, a communist strategy means integrating the struggle against capitalism with the struggle against imperialism in accordance with the peculiar conditions of individual countries.

8. For a long time imperialism has begun to lose the initiative that it had owned, which cannot be explained neither solely by the internal dynamics of the global capitalist system nor by the resistance of the people against the imperialist projects. The dead-end that the imperialist countries, foremost USA, in economic, have faced in economical, political and military fields is a result of the nature of the capitalism that creates crisis, and a result of the fact that their militarist policies, which they regard as the unique solution to fight such crises have failed against humanity. Today, the capitalistic order dominating globally can not exist if it radically breaks its ties from these policies. The destiny of capitalism as a whole substantially overlaps with the destiny of the leading imperialist countries. Throughout the history the hegemonic countries have occasionally alternated in the imperialistic hierarchy, but today even the slightest shake of the dominant position of the US, which has been maintained in military and political means in spite of the gigantic economic adversities, would be a mortal coup for the capitalism

9. Underneath the demand of the European imperialists and their basic institutional European Union to follow the way of the US and to keep the present conflicts and contradictions under control lies the fact that in the final analysis the US struggles for the maintenance of the capitalist system. All of the practice that can be seen as universal acquirements of capitalist class like derogating the rights of workers, extending the working hours, wide spreading of the slave labor and the merchandising of all areas of life, owe too much to the imperialistic barbarism headed by the US. Therefore, while evaluating the rivalry and contradiction between the imperialist countries and even while stressing the possibility of a war, we are to remember that capitalism isolated from imperialism is preposterous. With the October Revolution of 1917, the position achieved was for the advantage of the workers limiting the imperialist countries, putting them under strict control and at times forcing them to retreat.
We have to accept that operative area of the individual capital countries has expanded although the most extreme examples of imperialist aggression had been witnessed during the 70-year period prior to the tragic process that led to the liquidation of the Soviet Union. Yet capitalism will anyway enter a period to desert the arena with the failure of the human bondage operation of the US and of other imperialist countries.

10. Imperialists wanted more than they could have; they wanted the humanity to kneel down before the power of money, yet they were mistaken. Today it can be understood better that the counterrevolutionary aggression that has operated systematically from the very beginning of 1980's has a certain limit. The imperialist countries, particularly the US, are facing an unprecedented resistance in almost everywhere. Such resistance has not yet turned into a counter-attack. No doubt that imperialism has points of caducity, yet it is still impossible to say that it is a feeble and ordinary system to collapse any time. It can be defeated; it is far from its excellence attributed to it but it is still a basic reality of our world. Another reality of our era is that as long as the socialist revolution process of the world does not get on the rise again, it will be too early to mention about the regression of the imperialism. Therefore, the character of the resistance that is faced by the imperialism today should be well evaluated. When we strike an average excluding a few examples, it is clear that the class basis of the resistance is profoundly complex. The power that forces imperialism to renew its plans continuously or to retreat is not the "working class" and the communists, who preserve the characteristic of being the most vigorous representative of the working class, though such power relies on the yearnings and will of the poor masses.

The international monopolies had to make numerous changes in the alliance policies of the Cold War Period as they headed for new attacks on proletarian masses. Many nation-states on the political platform and some nationalist and religious movements on the ideological platform were directly or indirectly exposed to strokes of imperialism. This was an obligation for imperialism rather than being a choice. It was impossible to parry the crisis in another way; they attacked with a great power and expansionist hysteria freed from its chain on the gap created by the disappearance of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. A powerful resistance emerged in proportion to the harshness of this attack. In some cases, such resistance gained an Islamist character, became a product of potencies that were not revolutionary or were organized by the elements detached off the state bureaucracy; and in some cases it became identical with the struggle of the revolutionary power or movements. In this chaos, the communists should examine the concrete developments, analyze the structure of the resistance in Iraq, Afghanistan and Lebanon, evaluate the revolutionary process in Venezuela and in other Latin American countries, follow the ability and intention of Iran and Syria to resist against the plans of the US and consider the replacement that changes the global balance of power, particularly in the Middle East, in the Balkans and in Latin America. New opportunities have emerged and accumulated a rich experience that makes it obligatory to review the targets of communist struggle in individual countries. Yet it should be considered that the struggle against imperialism would be infertile and exhaust its breath without a target of socialism and an axis on the working class. What is important for the communists should be feeling of the sharpness of the struggle against imperialism rather than discovering new anti-imperialist powers and seeking for possibilities for alliance with them. Integrating the fight of workers with the struggle against imperialism is the main task of all communists in all countries including in the imperialist countries. As long as the task is fulfilled, real end revolutionary alliances can be achieved and cooperation can be developed. It should be borne in mind that the gap left by the communists and labor class movement plays a great role in the field that religious or nationalist movements take place in the struggle against imperialism in some countries.

11. The struggle against imperialism in Turkey became a historical responsibility embarked on the working class and the communist movement even before the Liberation War of Turkey. The armed struggle that weak bourgeoisie power of Turkey set up against occupation right after the World War I, aimed to entail upon the imperialists the new power in Anatolia rather than being a comprehensive settling of accounts with the imperialists. Therefore, the relationship of dependency that was developed later on should be also explained with the class basis of the Kemalist movement that adopted a bargaining attitude towards imperialistic world from the very beginning and the objective necessities of Turkish bourgeoisie as well as with the clear choices of the governments succeeding Mustafa Kemal.

The reason that the bourgeois revolution had no claim for an absolute separation from the imperialist system at least for a specific period has led to representation of "independent" ideology almost completely by the left. One of the characteristics of the movement of left and working class of Turkey that marked the breakthrough in 1960's was the demand for "independence". As capitalist Turkey, one of the front countries struggle against Soviet Union, was completely opened to the effect of the US imperialism and as the dependency affairs became an important task, the socialist target was covered and independence was perceived as a bourgeois democratic task. Nevertheless in Turkey, it was only a socialist revolution that could emerge such an energy that would take the country out of the orbit of imperialism. As a matter of fact, there never existed a class power that seeks for a separation from imperialism except for the classes and social levels that the working class could walk together with for the social liberation struggle. Today, the attitude of the some bourgeois fractions that complain about imperialist projects and practices can be best explained by bargaining strategy. It is very obvious that the spokesmen of such fractions demand better roles and shares from the imperialist countries and that they could not even dream of a Turkey outside of the imperialist system. However, there is a small fraction that cannot be undermined among the proletarian classes and the petit-bourgeoisie without a socialist perspective but who want to be free from the imperialist yoke. This fraction, which has expanded due to the process in the recent years, is also under the effect of nationalist, religious and also liberal ideologies. To save the millions of people in this fraction from the effect of the above mentioned ideologies and to render them the elements of anti-imperialist struggle is not necessarily possible through their persuasion of a socialist perspective. What will integrate the socialist struggle with the struggle of independence are the activity of a working class party that realizes such integration on the programmatic and strategic levels, and the will of this party to construct its front of anti-imperialist struggle not far from the conflict between labor and capital but on the basis of such conflict.

12. The Patriotic Front which is set up by the call and leadership of the Communist Party of Turkey has demonstrated that it is able to fulfill the important anti-imperialist tasks in the oncoming period without separating them from the perspective of working class. Because of this and once again, we reiterate and record the emphasis at the 8th Congress that TKP considers the Patriotic Front not as a temporary means or expansion. Patriotic Front which has undertook important anti-imperialist actions since its establishment, is an authentic organization which is able to appropriately respond to current conditions of Turkey and to the fast changing necessities of struggle against imperialism. This organization:

a) is the front of social powers, rather than different political organizations, that are not inconvenient with the role and weight of the communist in this struggle and who want to lead a struggle with principles against imperialism and its collaborators;
b) is different from a political party, as it takes its power from the base initiatives built around clear and plain principles rather than from a central construction,
c) defends patriotism by laying claim on the country of the proletarian masses who want an end to the imperialist pillage, in contrary to the nationalist ideology, which facilitates domination of the capital on the proletarian masses basing itself on the lie of "national benefit" uniting all classes,
d) especially focuses on the phenomenon of "imperialism" while intervening in the events all around the world and in Turkey, but never ignoring the bond between different agendas considering the other titles related to the class struggle.

13. The Patriotic Front has created its own authentic mechanisms in the achieved situation, placed the relationship between the party members and the others ones into an equal and free context and defined its distance to the Communist Party of Turkey on a "legal" and political level; in brief, it has eliminated the question marks about the "relationship with TKP" to a great extent. From now on, the process depends on whether the Patriotic Front will turn into a real social movement in the direction of its program and principles.

14. One of the vital tasks of the Patriotic Front is to unite all the Turkish and Kurdish proletarian and poor masses on an anti-imperialist ground and canalize them into a collective struggle against the "nationalist" trends and inclinations that bring Turks and Kurds against each other as a whole. If the current situation is let to drift and if special means are not developed, the Kurdish element in establishment of the patriotic identity in Turkey will remain weak and very complex and irretrievable problems in terms of working class movement will emerge. The attitude of the USA about the "Kurdish question", which is a source of anti-Americanism that has risen in the last period in our country, further complicates the problem. There is a need to adopt a courageous attitude against such nationalist approaches which have no intention to challenge the projects of imperialist countries about the Kurdish question and which can be simplified as "demanding support for Turks against Kurds". Besides, it is necessary to establish a political and moral pressure on the wide masses that are under the influence of such approaches. Therefore, the Patriotic Front is to reject the imperialist projects and has to develop a method that encourages, prioritizes and enhances the Kurdish elements who want to create a patriotic identity.

15. Communist Party of Turkey is the party of all the proletarians living in this country, both Turkish and Kurdish. It takes pain over protecting and strengthening this characteristic with its member structure, policies and attitude towards the regional developments. However, as an oppressed nation the political, cultural and demographical weight of the Kurdish in Turkey and in the region renders them important. TKP handles this issue on three platforms related to each other. Firstly, the Kurdish movement as a revolutionary dynamic; secondly, the Kurdish question in terms of activities of imperialism in Middle East and in Turkey; and thirdly, the Kurdish proletariat as a class power. The Kurdish movement that began its rise independently from the Turkish working class movement which was seriously weakened following the military coup on September 12, 1980, has protected its revolutionary character with the help of the regional conditions, besides it slid its political action from south to north in terms of Kurdish geography. The limits of a revolutionary Kurdish movement, independent and apart from Turkish left were clearly seen during this period. It was seen that the "nationally"-characterized struggle of the Kurds whose most advanced elements in terms of class roots lived in the western part of Turkey and in Europe cannot be hold in a revolutionary line because of objective and subjective reasons and the Kurdish question has become a matter of subject of imperialist projects, with its weight slipping back to southern part of the country. Today it is impossible to mention about a Kurdish movement as a revolutionary dynamic, the Kurdish question should be considered as a "regional expansion of imperialism" and one of the central issues in the agenda of the proletarian movement.

16. It is not the first time that we encounter a national problem and a dynamic is intended for intervention by the imperialist countries. All issues that can be defined as a "national question" has been an indispensable part of the imperialistic projects from the beginning of the last quarter of 19th century, hence the birth of imperialism until today. The imperialist leaders swooped upon each other by using the slogan of "freedom for nations" and by immorally exploiting the pain of other people before and during the World War I. As the Great October Socialist Revolution opened the gates for the true liberation of oppressed nations, the ability of the imperialist countries to play with the "national problem" was seriously attenuated. However, not only France and Britain, which have a deep-rooted colonialist tradition, but also the USA and Germany, who headed for imperialistic practice on a different inheritance, anyhow evaluated every opportunity to embed the search for freedom of the nations into their own imperialistic projects. The disintegration of the Soviet Union presented a great opportunity to these imperialists. Anyway the "national and ethnic differences", which was a part of the insidious and enduring operations to eliminate socialism from Europe, always had been one of the basic means of expansionist strategy of imperialist countries in the Balkans, the Caucasus and the Middle East from the very beginning of the 1990's.

The Communist Party of Turkey has for a long time opposed to such approach, which regards the principle of "self determination of nations" unquestionable while ignoring all these cases. TKP held such attitude for Yugoslavia at the time and it opposed to the provocation of the people who had lived together for many years peacefully, the dismembering of the country and complete subjugation of each part by the international monopolies and war barons. The events demonstrate that the imperialists took over the destiny of the nations that "sought for freedom". Today, the USA conducts implicit operations in Iran to provoke the Azerbaijani for separation, who are one of the largest nations in our region, and these operations are supported by Turkish Republic and some of the Kurdish groups at times. Along with the idea that TKP has no sympathy for the mullah regime in Iran, we are aware that these operations will divide the proletarian masses, and helped the USA to consolidate its power in the region and, what is worst, is new seeds of hostility will grow between the peoples. Unfortunately, the USA succeeded to emplace Iraq Kurds, who have suffered for years, into her regional plans with a similar attitude and created a secure region for herself in Iraq where a great resistance is headed against the occupation. The attitude of TKP for the formation in Iraq is not a matter of ignoring the right of the Kurds for establishing a country, but it is based on the situation that such right is totally dependent on the imperialistic projects under the present international conditions. Hence, the only ally of the emerging Kurdish state in the region, after Israel, is Turkish Republic despite the problems between two sides.

17. Under these circumstances, the Communist Party of Turkey,

a. once again publicly announces that the evaluation of the Kurdish problem on an anti-imperialistic base is the unique internationalist attitude;
b. draws the attention to the logic of class issue of military, economic and politic rapprochement to the cooperative Kurd leaders by the Turkish bourgeoisie, while continuing its policy of denial and destruction, and calls for the Kurdish proletariat in Turkey to organize in the Patriotic Front against imperialism and exploitation, wishing that the poor Kurdish people in Iraq shall take their place on the front of resistance against occupation;
c. reminds that the retreat of idea and practice of cooperation, anti-imperialism and class perspective on the Kurdish question will have severe results, and that Turkish liberals and nationalists together with the Kurdish liberals and nationalists are dependent on the evolution of the imperialist countries headed by the USA, and emphasizes that in these conditions, the nationalisms of oppressor or oppressed nations will certainly not be tolerated and that nationalism of Turkish and Kurdish people completing each other provides a great area of free movement to the USA.
d. announces that it is ready to appreciate every kind of opportunity emerging for saving the anti-imperialistic vein between Turks and Kurds, which is now drained for the sake of pragmatic approaches.

THIRD PART: WORKING CLASS OF TURKEY

18. The obstacle that has become a vital problem to be overcome is the non-organization of the working class. It is clear that this problem cannot be overcome with the ordinary, families and already applied methods and means. Although there are actual data and theoretical outfit for a heavy, courageous and sustainable workout, lack of sufficient attention on the problem of dividedness, which is the basic reason of inertia of the working class, delays the party to take conclusive actions. It has become obvious that trying the patchy ways of solution for the reality of "being separated", which is on every mouth, will not yield any results. It is also apparent that the problem cannot be solved with discourses like "unity of laborer powers", in which nobody believes. As a matter of fact, this is the core of the problem. The working class is as divided as not to recognize itself as a class, and it is meaningless to maintain the "unity of labor forces" between fragmented organizations on this divided base, accepting such division. Today, the working class needs a method that challenges "dividedness" on every area of struggle, that unites and intensifies the working class, as well as appropriate means for this method. The problem can not be simply solved on the platform of a "political organization", because whenever the working class steps into arena of economical struggle, it confronts with the organizations that have adopted certain mechanisms of the bourgeoisie society to break/divide it into pieces. The trade unions cover only a small part of the working class, but it does not mean that we undermine the insignificant role that they play. Today, trade unions have an effect and weight far beyond the organizational power that they represent. Besides, trade unions with their present status sterilize and even spoil the intermediary contact surface which is necessary for the political organization of the working class. Consequently, it is an obligation to intervene effectively into the unions to change the position of divided working class which hinders organization of the working class.

19. Working class is divided. Working people, temporary workers, unemployed, retired, contract workers, regular workers, white collar workers, blue collar workers, workers in a trade union and those who are not, insured workers, unregistered workers, industrial workers, workers in agriculture, service sector workers, public workers, private sector workers, civil servants, those in status of workers, and 28 different branches of business imposed by the capitalist class for many years (This number has been reduced to 18 in the draft that was prepared but not approved as law in 2005)... Working class is a whole including all these; all the means developed should aim at embracing them as a whole. The party of the working class, although highlighting some certain priorities, provides an appropriate environment for embracing and uniting the whole working class by the agency of its central and organizational understanding. However, trade unions and chambers, which are called "labor organizations" in our country, on the contrary operate on a "divided" ground. The current situation of "labor organizations" cannot be justified through any antidemocratic practices and through old and new articles that invalidate trade unions law. Similarly, the attempts by the capital to shape the production process in a way to make the organization of the working class more difficult, don't explain the deadlock of labor organizations. Today, regarding the interests of working class, the meaning and significance of professional chambers should be questioned radically. Although there is a progress in the process of engineers, technical staff, doctors and lawyers becoming a part of the proletariat, it is astonishing to define all of such structures as "labor organizations" that help nothing but isolating these sections from the working class. In many countries, the right-wing is influential on these organizations, but in our country it is the left-wing which has the power in such organizations, which is not an abating factor for the negativity that we mentioned. On the contrary, the struggle in these organizations are retreated and frequently reduced to only backstage work at congresses as if they are the natural struggle means with their institutional situation. The working class needs the educated workers who are attempted to be besieged in the professional chambers. But what happens? The meaningful work maintained in these organizations has become worthless when we consider the class attitude taken on certain issues and the energy stolen from the working class. Henceforth, the priority is the union of working class.

Similarly, today the reason why Turk-Is (Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions), DISK (Confederation of Revolutionary Trade Unions of Turkey), KESK (Confederation of Public Employees' Trade Unions) and Hak-Is (Confederation of Right Trade Unions) stay parted from each other is the exhortation of "division" by the capitalist class and the benefits of the union structures from the current divided condition. It is obvious that executives of Turk-Is, DISK and Hak-Is do not have different thoughts from each other concerning basic trade union issues. While it is apparent that the public workers, who are convicted to the different legislations, can gain their union rights with collective agreement by forcing the legal limits under the structure of trade unions, the dividedness is accepted by the executives of DISK and KESK, who are frequently seen together, and the working class of Turkey is distributed into more than 100 organizations - considering the affiliated trade unions and professional chambers. When we add up the independent trade unions to this, we are confronted by a surprising scene. While everyone is talking about "unity", the working class is divided by the economic, legal and political regulations of the capitalist class! Because "unity" is maintained by the reconciliation with bourgeoisie on the ideological/political ground, and the target of uniting the power of different sections of working class is transferred to the "platforms". However, it is the time to move to the contrary direction. A clear division from the fractions that defend class reconciliation and collaboration with capitalists is to be ventured, but a new and creative expansion is to be developed to unite the working class on an objective ground.

20. The division of the working class in Turkey is absolutely not to be handled only on an organizational/institutional framework. The ideological surrounding of the working class has convicted them to different objectivities of production process as it takes out the identity of the working class, and the consciousness of being a part of a collective class among the workers has not developed. The situation of the working class being under the effect of the sovereign ideology is almost accepted, while the trade unions try everything to make this situation stable, and some leftist approaches systematically propagated the idea that the working class can carry its revolutionary missions without breaking such effect. Yet, nationalism, Islamism, liberalism and social democracy helped to atomize the working class and dragged it to sectarianism, to culture of congregation and at times even to racism. Therefore, the political/ideological expansions to ensure the unity of the working class can only be successful as long as really powerful ideological interventions accompany these expansions. Patriotism creates a sufficiently powerful infrastructure for such ideological interventions.

21. The working class of Turkey had lived and supported the reality of TIP-DISK (Workers' Party of Turkey-Confederation of Revolutionary Workers' Unions) during the 1960's, which had a great historical meaning in spite of all its weaknesses. The development of these two organizations and the general rise of the left also created a possibility for the organizations that were established under the direct initiatives of the workers during the special periods like June 15-16 and for the organizations supported at the workplaces. This type of organizations that we witnessed later among some local areas and sectors unfortunately never reached to a maturity and sustainability to characterize the working class of Turkey. The horizontal organizations, which relied on spontaneous action and not compensated completely by party or trade unions parallel to the necessity, became a permanent theoretical and practical problem of the communist movement in Turkey. In the light of the data obtained so far, it is understood that the "workers' initiatives" became the most mobile and continuous elements of the Patriotic Front and they have the ability to transform to a means that might fill this gap in many aspects. In the forthcoming period, it is possible that the workers' initiatives might gain an impact to eliminate the separation between the political and economic areas of struggle and, more importantly, to eliminate the disintegrated situation of the working class, by strengthening this mission with the physical and ideological effect of the working class, rather than stealing energy from the basic mission of the Patriotic Front. Such claim of the workers' organizations in the Patriotic Front should be evaluated as an historical responsibility in a period when the trade unions will absolutely not shake themselves on their internal dynamics and most importantly when these unions will not experience any leaps.

22. The Communist Party of Turkey has the essential infrastructure for the transformation to strengthen the working class. Despite the burden that the elections will cause to the organs of the party, no time should be wasted; the study of organization among the working class at all the levels of the party should be intensified, and a mobilization should begin, so to speak. The Party leaves aside the economist comments related to the idea that the working class has its "specific" problems, and it insists to handle the activities among the workers with a more simplified and comprehensive way, which has become more systematic with the help of the Patriotic Front. Today, the reactions against the attacks of capitalist class on individual tasks are becoming more and more ineffective. Whereas the party has the political and ideological possibilities that it had not been able to use effectively by now to unite the different sections of the working class with "common" agendas and to encourage them to take up an attitude. On the other hand, the new structure created in parallel to the establishment of workers' initiatives and sectoral organizations in the party has helped the training of a significant number of workers' leaders. This situation should be taken into account in the internal activity of the party and the revolutionary energy emerging here is to be benefited for strengthening of the party.

B. DECISIONS

DECISION NO.: 1
FOR INCREASING THE ORGANIZED FORCE OF THE WORKING CLASS

1. The trade unions no longer represent the working class of Turkey.
2. The trade unions are deprived of the internal energy essential for their recovery.
3. The trade unions unite the workers with capitalist policies; however, they divide the working class into different layers, fractions and interests.
4. The recovery in the area of trade unions should be so profound that it cannot be reduced to changes in administration.
5. A completely different concept of organization that does not accept the absolute disintegration and the legal arrangements imposing such dividedness should be brought on the agenda of the working class of Turkey.
6. The principles of this structure should be propagated among the workers in trade unions and, more importantly, among the workers who are not a member of a union; and also an effective activity should be led in all trade unions and professional chambers on the basis of these principles.
7. An alternative trade unionist focus should venture the rupture from the elements that are parts of the capital sovereignty, in order to initiate the breakthrough of the working class and provide unity among workers.
8. A profound change should be forced at the present trade unionist structures. Besides, considering the current data, any recovery at these union structures is highly improbable, no matter how effective the intervention from inside and outside. In such cases, fast and courageous steps must be taken to establish a new and specific alternative. In this framework, it is evident that the workers' initiatives of the Patriotic Front will be considered as an important point of reference and source of dynamism.
9. A conference attended by the representatives from all parts should be held to evaluate the subject with all details and to clarify the programmatic principles of the union movement that the working class of Turkey needs.

DECISION NO: 2
FOR THE UNITY OF TURKISH AND KURDISH PEOPLE

1. The central office of the party should make more attempts to use the current instruments in a more effective way to present the principles and targets written in the Socialism Program related to the Kurdish question with the contemporary connections and to develop new instruments when the current ones are insufficient.
2. There should be new and profound organizational arrangements as for the party should begin a period of widespread organization among the Kurdish proletariat.
3. There should be a systematic input that deciphers and breaks the plans of the US and the EU to the whole society and all sides that are related to the issue. In this aspect, not only tools of propaganda but also channels of dialog should be improved.
4. Legal processes that defend "the right to exist and make politics" of the Kurdish political organizations should be supported.
5. A conference should be held as soon as possible, consisting of the people who support the common liberation of the Turkish and Kurdish proletariat rather than imperialist, nationalist and liberal solutions.
6. In order to make unifying, revolutionary and associating steps, it is necessary to intensify ideological and political interaction with the Turkish people, which is under the siege of nationalist and liberal thoughts.

DECISION NO: 3
FOR THE PROLETARIAT TO MARK THE ELECTIONS

Communist Party of Turkey has decided well before that it will participate in the elections with the facility, policies and candidates of the Patriotic Front but under its own title. We call all the patriots to cooperate under this decision, to work with the Patriotic Front during the election process and to support it. It is in our hands that the working class of Turkey will come out of the oncoming elections with a brand new power and energy. The Congress of the Communist Party of Turkey greets the friends from the Patriotic Front who already began the activity of propaganda and organization with this consciousness months ago all around the Turkey, and declares that it will defend the benefits of proletariat class with an understanding of a complete revolutionary mobilization during the elective period.

DECISION NO: 4
IN ORDER TO DRIVE BACK THE IMPERIALIST ATTACKS

1. The data related to the fact that the support of people for Turkey's membership to the EU has decreased and the fact that the subject is debated less often than before do not mean that the demolition of our working people experienced through membership process to the EU has alleviated. The process is continuing with its all dimensions yet more implicated as compared to the earlier period. TKP feels the necessity to explain that all the patriotic forces should be conscious of the period for membership to the EU, against which the party has had certain and decisive attitude and which it considers as an imperialistic attack.
2. "The assessments related to the European Union and the process of membership" which is included in the documents of 2004 Conference of the Communist Party of Turkey, still preserves its validity today. The Party should mobilize all possibilities to call for the proletarian masses, organize them and move them in the light of these assessments.
3. The Communist Party of Turkey invites the friendly and fellow parties to completely abandon the approach that "the process of membership to the EU helps to democratizing of Turkey". It is clear that mediation of the EU is not necessary to act with solidarity with proletarian class, communists and progressives, and to protest the antidemocratic practices in Turkey. While TKP is continuing with its struggle without any concession against the power of reactionary bourgeoisie, it cannot be indifferent to plans of imperialist countries and institutions about Turkey and to certain impositions with certain targets. We expect that the European communist and workers' parties who are true friends of Turkish and Kurdish proletariat will approach the issue considering such sensitivity.
4. The Communist Party of Turkey will begin a process for a closer solidarity and cooperation with the Cypriot revolutionaries, who try to create a culture of "common struggle" to render Cyprus independent, united and sublimated from foreign bases and troops, as a sovereign country. TKP is aware of the fact that the situation that supports the status quo and the pursuit of the diplomatic attempts under the control of the great powers will not yield any results. Under such circumstances, the Party will do what is necessary to bring political powers, the real bearers of the struggle in Cyprus, and the Greek-Turkish communists who are required to support this struggle, into a common approach and cooperation. This shall also be considered as an invitation of TKP.
5. The Communist Party of Turkey conveys truly fellowship emotions to the patriotic people of Iraq, who resist against the USA and its allies. The defeat of the occupants and allies is very near.
6. The Communist Party of Turkey is a permanent friend of the powers that struggle against Israel, who continues its expansionist policies in Palestine and Lebanon directed with the instructions and supports of the USA.
7. The Party demands recall of the Turkish troops without delay, who were sent to Lebanon under the name of UN Peace Force.
8. The Communist Party of Turkey supports the Afghan people, who defies against the imperialist countries attacking with an increasing military power everyday. The Party also demands immediate recall of the Turkish troops in this country, who were sent under the task of NATO.
9. The Communist Party of Turkey has no doubt that the people of Iran and Syria who constantly feel the threat of the USA will give the appropriate answer to the imperialist attacker in case of any attack. In the event of an attack TKP, will be in solidarity with our fellows, we will not allow our land to be a base of imperialist attacks.
10. The Communist Party of Turkey is decisive to struggle till the end to confiscate the USA and NATO bases, which means war and occupation for people of our region, and to ban the use of lands, air and seas of Turkey by imperialist countries and Israel.
11. The Communist Party of Turkey sends companion greetings to the socialist Cuba, and to Cuban people that has made no concession for socialism and freedom, to the Chief Commander Fidel Castro and to fellow Communist Party of Cuba. We will continue to struggle together with all the friends of Cuba in all over the world against the aggressive and unlawful policies led by the imperialist countries, primarily by the USA. Freedom of the five brave Cuban patriots imprisoned in the USA is one of the most important tasks of this struggle. Freedom for Gerardo Hernández, Antonio Guerrero, Ramón Labañino, Fernando González and René González!
12. The Communist Party of Turkey observes the revolutionary developments in numerous countries of Latin America with enthusiasm; she salutes the revolutionary governments of Venezuela and Bolivia, which tell imperialism to stop, and the newly emerging governments in Ecuador and Nicaragua; and she coveys the sincerest feelings of solidarity on behalf of the working class of Turkey to all progressive, patriotic and communist forces that are part of the ongoing revolutionary processes in this continent.
13. One of the important necessities of defeating anti-imperialist attacks is the establishment of the independence struggle as a rightful and legitimate struggle within the society, and confronting the obstacles against this cause. The strength of the TKP among the youth should be utilized effectively in that direction. Seeking independence is no a crime, or stupidity as the bourgeois institutions dictate.
Seeking independence is a necessity of having dignity. The student branch of the TKP will struggle against all kinds of political, ideological and legal obstacles, which harm this necessity, and they will be the vanguard in the mobilization of the youth for the patriotic struggle.